Chandeshwara’s Rajanitiratnakara on Hindu Polity

-Dr. Lal Mani Pandey

1. Introduction

In the intellectual life of Mithila, in the fourteenth century A.D., Chandeshwara occupied a very important and unique position. He was the most renowned compendium writer in the palace of Tirhut or Doya state which was situated in the eastern Terai of Nepal with the capital of Simroungarh. K.P. Jayaswal has recognized the Rajanitiratnakara of Chandeshvara as one of the important compiled works of 14^th century, written in Sanskrit language on Hindu science of polity.[1] The Rajanitiratnakara is a science of politics intended to teach a wise king how to govern and rule the state. In this work Chandeshwara offers welfare state in domestic politics, something that has been called a socialized monarchy as well as the principles of foreign policy. Very few authors have focused on his domestic policies and diplomacy. Brief historical perspectives as well as his main political principles, mentioned in the Rajnitiratnakara are principally analysed in this article.

2. Life and Writing

The Tirhut state with Simroungarh as its capital in the eastern Terai, the Malla state in the Kathmandu valley, and the Khas state in Karnali region with Sinja as its capital were emerged as three powerful states in medieval Nepal.[2] Tirhut state was established in 1097 A.D. by Nanyadeva of Karnatak dynasty. Harisimhadeva, the last King of this dynasty had come to the throne of Doya about 1304 AD. His name is spelt “in both ways as Harasimhadeva or Harisimhadeva.”[3] “The imperial forces of Delhi under Ghiyas ud din Tughlak attacked highly fortified Simroungarh, the capital of the kingdom of Mithila in 1324 A. D. Hari Simha Deva was defeated and went into Nepal and established himself there.”[4] “The grandfather of Chandeshvara, Devaditya, served as the minister of peace and war. Chandeshvara’s father Vireshvara also succeeded to the post and so did the author himself.”[5] After Harisimhdeva, his rajguru/ religious teacher Kameshwara was made the king of Tirhut by Giyas ud din Tughlak. Kameshwara was succeeded by his brother Bhavesh. Chandeshwara, the Minister of Peace and War of Harisimhdeva remained in the same post during the rule of both Kameshwara and Bhavesh. By following the order of king Bhavesh, Chandeshwara wrote the Rajanitiratnakara.[6] His important work is the Dharmanibandha Ratnakara which consists seven sections- the Kritya Ratnakara, Dan Ratnakara, Vyavahar Ratnakara, Suddhi Ratnakara, Puja Ratnakara, Vivad Ratnakara, and Grihastha Ratnakara. Another important work is the Rajanitiratnakara, a digest of Hindu politics. However, we are here concerned with the Rajanitiratnakara which has direct relevance to the students of political thought. This book, the Rajnitiratnakara, came to light as a result of the search for Sanskrit manuscripts instituted in the Province of Bihar and Orissa by Sir Edward Gait, the late Lieutenant- Governor of the Province and Founder and President of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. It was decided to commence the search in two centres- Puri and Mithila (Darbhanga), and the work was entrusted by the Government to the Bihar and Orissa Research Society.[7] The research was started in 1975 B.S. Kashi Prashad Jayaswal who was the Honorary General Secretary to the Research Society directed and supervised the work. The book edited by Kashi Prasad Jayaswal was published in 1977 B.S. Later it was reedited by him and published by the Bihar and Orissa Research Society; Patna in 1993 B.S.[8] The Rajnitiratnakara contains sixteen chapters. They are as follows:(1) Kingship, (2) Ministers, (3) Priest, (4) Chief Justice, (5) Councillors, (6) Forts, (7) Discussion on Policy, (8)Treasury, (9) Army, (10) Leadership of Army, (11) Ambassadors, (12) Administration, (13) Executive Authority and Punishment, (14) Abdication and Appointment of a king by the King, (15) Appointment of a New King, and (16) Coronation.

The writing of Chandeshwara has been influenced of his predecessors. He has mainly quoted from the text of Manu, Brihaspati, Shukracharya, Yajnavalkya, Kamandaka, Valmiki, Vyas, Narad, Vishnu, Amarasingh, Laxmidhar, Shrikar etc. The Rajnitiratnakar has no originality, as it is a collection of political thoughts propounded by ancient teachers. However, Chandeshwara has compiled important texts from his predecessors and analyzed their views and given his own conclusion. In the words of Kashi Prasad Jayaswal, “The Rajnitiratnakara is thus valuable on the history of political literature and deserves attention on that ground as well. Still more important are the norms, which obtained at the close of the Hindu and the beginning of the Muhammadan periods. Originality and force are on the decline yet there is no lack of interest and no total surrender of reason.”[9] Like his predecessors Chandeshwara’s writing is prescriptive. He has prescribed some rules, principles and policies for the king to be followed in the governance of the state. It is relevant to discuss the concept of politics, the origin of the state as well as its elements before analyzing his political principles.

3. On Politics

Knowledge has been divided into four branches. Anvikshiki (philosophy), the triple Vedas (Rigveda, Yajurveda and Samaveda), varta (agriculture, cattle breeding and trade) and dandaniti (science of government) are the sciences.[10] Dandaniti, rajdharma, arthashastra, nitishastra, rajashastra, rajanitishastra, rajaniti, rajanaya, rajatantra, rajavidya and rajyashastra are the names of the science of politics used by the ancient scholars of Hindu polity interchangeably. The term dandaniti is translated as the science of politics. The king possesses danda to symbolize sovereign power to punish the offenders and wrong doers. Highlighting the significance of danda or authority in king’s hand, Shukra says that the king possesses danda so he can complete every work; and danda is therefore called the ultimate expedient to maintain dharma.[11] The ancient Hindu thinkers believed that the basic sanction behind the state was the power or force and so the literature dealing with the rules and regulations about the use of physical force or punishment was known as dandaniti. The second name given to the ancient Hindu polity was rajadharma, confined to the duties of the king. However, as a branch of knowledge, the term rajadharma, in a wide sense, is translated as a science of politics. The third name given to the ancient Hindu political philosophy is arthashastra. Brihaspati was the first to use the term arthashastra for the science of politics. “The commandments related to artha were composed by Brihaspati.”[12] Later it was popularized by Kautilya. “The usual meaning of the term Artha is money or wealth and so the term Arthashastra should connote the science of wealth or economics, and not the science of government.”[13] However, the term arthashastra is not used in that sense by Kautilya. The arthashastra is used in the sense of political economy. According to Kautilya, artha is the livelihood of men; in other words, it means the territory inhabited by men. Arthashastra is the science, which is the means of the acquisition and protection of the territory.[14] The next name given to the science of politics is nitishastra. Sanskrit term niti means proper guidance or direction. “Proper guidance or direction usually presupposes propriety, prudence and wisdom; so Nitisastra also came to denote the science of wisdom and right course”[15] The branch of knowledge dealing with the rules and regulations that help in proper guidance and protection of the individual as well as society is called nitishastra. It is the science of good conduct or ethics. Kamandaka calls his treatise the Nitisar. The Panchatantra, which is a book on politics put into fables for the early education of princes, adopts the term nayashastra.[16] K. P. Jayaswal opines that “..the terms Niti (‘Policy’ or ‘Principles’) seems to have superseded the old words Artha and Danda.”[17] Chandeshwara has used the term rajaniti for the science of politicsin his treatise, the Rajanitiratnakara. He defines rajaniti as the arthashastra of the king.[18]

4. Origin of the State

The Sanskrit term ‘matsyanyaya’ (the law of fishes) is a metaphorical expression to describe the state of anarchy. Just as the bigger fish swallow the smaller, the stronger or more powerful individuals exploit the weaker one. The society without a king was in the state of anarchy. According to Manu, God created the king in order to relieve the people from the state of anarchy. For when this world was without a king and ran about in all directions out of fear. Therefore, God created king in order to relieve people of that deplorable state.[19] Regarding the origin of the state, Chandeshwara has quoted Manu’s views. He believes in the divine theory of origin of the state. The institutions of kingship and state came into existence as a result of the creation of God.

5. Seven Elements of the State

In ancient Hindu polity, the state was a well-knit political organization with seven constituents. The theory of the seven elements of the state was widely accepted in Hindu Polity. Chandeshwara has followed the theory of the seven constituent elements of the state. He has laid down the king, ministers, rashtra or territory inhabited by people, durga or forts, kosha or treasury, bala or military force, and suhrid or allies are the elements of the state.[20]

5.1. Monarch

The king is the chief element of the state. The king or the sovereign was considered the head of the state. Traditionally it was established that the king should belong to the warrior class. Chandeshwara differs from the theory of dharmashastra writers regarding the caste of the king. The king may be of any caste.[21] There was no need for the king to belong to the warrior class and coronation ceremony was not essential for kingship.[22] According to Shukracharya, the king having the element of God should be ready for giving, brave to punish the evildoers and protect the good. He is well versed in using arms in war, capable to destroy the enemies, unattached to the sensory objects, habitual to follow policies on teaching and the advices of the old people, well versed in all sciences, unattached with the wicked and attached with the good.The king who possesses the demon element has opposite of above-mentioned characteristics.[23] In Hindu polity, it is emphasized that the king should fulfill his duties honestly. The functions of the state in Hindu polity are the duties of the king. Every king was required to discharge fundamental duties. Chandeshwara’s views regarding the significance of the coronation ceremony for the kingship contrast with his predecessors. So far as the succession of kingship is concerned he has followed traditional views. The crown, therefore, should pass on to the eldest son of the king.[24] He has categorized the kings as the samrat (emperor), adhishwar (king who does not pay the tax to the emperor and karada (king who pays the tax to the emperor). [25]

5.2. Council of Ministers

The Sanskrit term amatya is translated as a companion or follower of a king or ministers. The word amatya does not mean a minister but it indicates the council of ministers, which was regarded as a constituent element of the state. According to Manu even, a deed that is easy to do is hard for one man to do alone, how much harder for a king who has no assistant to rule over a highly productive kingdom.[26] The men, who come from noble family, who have a high and strong character, who are aged, brave and loyal to the king, who talk well, who can prescribe the right path and bear sorrows, who always follow dharma, who are capable to take the country in the right path with their wisdom, who are unpolluted, who are not proud, who have overcome sexual desire, anger and greed and who are not lazy should be appointed ministers of the king.[27] Chandeshwara has followed his predecessors regarding the qualification and appointment of the ministers.

5.3. Janapada

Chandeshwara has mentioned janapada as an element of the state but no detail description. Modern political scientists hold the view that territory is one separate element of the state. Manu, the first political thinker of Hindu uses the term ‘rashtra’[28] According to Shukra, rashtra is a constituent element of the state. There should be villages and cities. People and territory are represented by the kingdom in the ancient Hindu polity. Immovable (like trees, territory) and movable (like men and animals) are called the kingdom.[29] Janapada includes both the territory and population.

5.4. Treasury

The treasury is the element of the state and very important for its proper functioning. The king should collect the funds and he should protect his kingdom or bring about the welfare of his subjects, maintain the army, and conduct religious sacrifices.[30] Hindu political thinkers like Manu, Kautilya, Yajnyavalkya, Brihaspati, Shukra, Kamandaka have laid down that the treasury as a constituent of the state. The treasury should be well protected as it is used for performing sacrifices (yajna), giving wages to the servants, promoting economic development and overcoming calamities.[31] Chandeshwara has suggested the king to maintain the treasury and concluded that treasury is the root of the world.[32]

5. 5. Forts

The fort is regarded as the important element of the state. It is said that the fort is very important to take shelter in emergency or in the time of war.[33] Manu has mentioned six types of forts and Chandeshwara has followed Manu regarding the types of forts. They are as follows: The fort surrounded by a desert, the fort surrounded by uneven land, the fort surrounded by water, the fort surrounded by trees the fort surrounded by men and the fort surrounded by hills.[34]

5.6. Military

The military, in Hindu polity, is commonly accepted as an element of the state. It is necessary to maintain law and order within the kingdom and defend it from foreign aggression. Neither state nor wealth and bravery can be maintained without army.[35] Army is necessary to maintain law and order within the territorial jurisdiction of the state and to defend it from foreign invaders. For these twin objectives, the king was expected to maintain an army. Chandeshwara has suggested the king to appoint a qualified chief of the army staff, who can be entrusted to possess the military leadership.[36]

5.7. Allies

Allies or friends were expected to be loyal to the interest of the country. The mitra or ally is the seventh element of the state mentioned in the ancient texts of the science of Hindu polity. Without friends or allies, no state can exist and function properly. These friends are friendly states. Manu has emphasized the importance of the ally for the state. He declares that receiving ally, gold and territory are the triple fruits of victory in war. A conquering king increases his power not so much through obtaining gold and territory as through gaining a firm ally, who, even though weak at present, may become capable in the future. The king who knows justice (dharma), and who is grateful, loyal and firm in his undertakings, and with whom subjects are satisfied, is praised as a good ally by wise men.[37] Chandeshwara has mentioned the significance of the ally for the state.[38]

6. Domestic Policies

The state came into existence to bring about and promote the welfare of the people. Chandeshwara has quoted a text where the people are described as Lord Vishnu.[39] The chief duty of the king was to promote the welfare of the people.[40] “To punish the wicked (administration of criminal justice) to honour and protect the good, to enrich the treasury (exchequer) by just methods, to be impartial towards the litigants (administration of civil justice) and to protect the kingdom (defence of the realm) these are the five yajnas (selfless duties) to be performed by a king.”[41] Thus, performing yajnas,[42] offering gifts,[43] preserving the dharma of varnas and ashramas,[44] looking after the welfare of the subjects,[45] administration of justice,[46] collecting taxes,[47] maintaining law and order within the kingdom and destruction of enemies[48] were the functions of the state. The functions of the state are regarded as the religious duties of the king because Hindu polity was influenced by religious concepts. The king at the time of coronation was struck by dharma danda. It proved the ultimate supremacy of the dharma. The king was bound by dharma. The essence of the domestic policies of Chandeshwara is to do good to the society. Provision of the establishment of following institutions and officials has been mentioned by Chandeshwara. He has discussed the provision of the sabha or council in a separate chapter. He was not the first to mention the council in Hindu polity. In the Manusmriti it is declared that where three priests who know the Vedas and a learned man appointed by the king in judgment that place is known as the court of Lord Brahma.[49] The number of the members of the council, according to Chandeshwara, is not fixed. The council consists of seven, five or three members.[50] The king enjoyed the authority to appoint the members of the council. It consisted of certain selected persons entrusted with providing the king with the appropriate counsels for running political administration. The members should be well versed in dharmashastra and arthashastra and they should belong to the three upper class- brahman, kshatriya and baishya. The council was to suggest the righteous path to the king. From the writing of Chandeshwara it is clear that the council was sovereign and exercised considerable control over the king.[51] Mention of the pradvivaka for the administration of law and justice is found in the Rajanitiratnakara. According to Manu the chief justice along with other three members should hear the cases.[52] The decision unanimously made by the chief justice and other members is considered as dharma or justice. Purohit or priest was an in charge of religious affairs. Purohit, a well versed brahman in dharmashastra was to be appointed by the king. The king should take counsel with him in religious matters. Chandeshwara has suggested the king to appoint other official and servants as well. Significance of counsel in administration of the state has been described in Hindu political thought. The king should take counsel with his ministers first then with an intelligent priest. Finally, he should consider matters in isolation.[53] The king should take counsel about the most important concerns of six fold policy and other affairs of the state so that he can make right decisions.

7. Principles of Interstate Relations

The Hindu political thinkers were well acquainted with the fact that there are two sides of the functions of the state. The first is concerned with domestic affairs whereas the other side is interstate or international affairs. Altekar has rightly remarked, “a large number of small states existed in the Indian sub-continent, and our political thinkers felt that the existence of none could be guaranteed for a long time unless a proper balance of power was secured by wise alliances.” [54] The inclusion of the allies among the constituents of a state indicates the significance of foreign relations and making alliances for the very existence of the state. Considering the significance of foreign relations, Manu, Brihaspati, Shukra and Kautilya have propounded the principles of interstate relations and the relationship between and among states rested on those principles. The theory of the circle of states, the provision of appointment of envoys and spies, the six tactics of foreign policy and the four expedients are unanimously accepted principles of interstate relations. Chandeshwara has mentioned those principles of interstate relations propounded by his predecessors.

8. Concept of Power

For the first time the concept of power in politics was introduced by the Hindus. The Sanskrit terms bala and shakti are closely related to danda which is regarded as a constituent element of the state in the saptanga theory of the state that is unanimously accepted in the writings of Hindu political thinkers. In the writings of Manu and Brihaspati, there is no mention of the theory of political power or shakti explicitly. However, they have mentioned the importance of danda and bala in domestic as well as external affairs of the state.[55] Power is defined as strength by Kautilya.[56] Strength is power and happiness is the end or success. Politically, Kautilya refers three kinds of power or shakti. The shakti of mantra is the strength acquired by intellectual achievements and knowledge of good statecraft. In this context, the term mantra is translated as secret plan or consultation, counsel, and advice. According to Kautilya power of counsel is regarded as the strength of knowledge. The possession of prosperous treasury and a strong army is the shakti of prabhu or supreme power (sovereign power). The third is the shakti of utsaha or physical strength which is regarded as the power of energy. The power of inspiration and perseverance is the strength acquired by enthusiasm and concentration. The power of counsel is more important than the sovereign power and the martial power.[57] Like Kautilya, Chandeshwar holds the same view regarding the definition of power. [58] He remarks that the strength is power.[59] The Hindu political thinkers were well acquainted with the importance of power in politics. The king by means of his power and adopting appropriate expedients and foreign policies should obtain accomplishment. The ultimate accomplishment as described by Kautilya is obtaining happiness.[60] The monarch who possessed the shakti or strength or the means above mentioned became the overlord of not only his mandala but of the whole of the mandala through further exertion of his power. Ability of the king in application of six forms of foreign policy and four means increases national power. Kautilya declares that inability in the use of peace and other policies not in prescribed manner is wrong policy. Dangers spring from that.[61] By overcoming calamities and dangers, the king should increase national power, which is the means to secure national interests. Following the prescribed manner is known as good policy that makes the king powerful. The kings in the writings of Hindu political thinkers were prescribed to become powerful and conqueror.

9. Circle of States

The Hindu political thinkers propounded the theory of mandala or the circle of states, which aimed at the maintenance of the balance of power. The conqueror’s circle of states consists of twelve kings, who, according to Kautilya, are vijigisu (invader or conqueror), ari (immediate enemy), mitra (invader’s ally), arimitra (enemy’s ally), mitramitra (invader’s ally’s ally), arimitramitra (enemy’s ally’s ally), parshnigraha (rear enemy), akranda (rear friend), parshnigrahasara (ally of rear enemy), and akrandasara (Ally of rear ally).[62] Furthermore, there are madhyama and udasina kings.

10. Diplomatic Expedients

The diplomatic expedients are traditionally recognized means for the application of six methods of foreign policy. This theory has been a significant contribution of the Hindu political thinkers in political science. The proper use of these four means- conciliation, gifts, dissension and danda (war) is very important to achieve political aims in both domestic and foreign affairs of the state. The ruler should be well versed in using these means for the good of his kingdom. Manu has discussed the four expedients as the significant political devices. The king should try to conquer his enemies by conciliation, persuasion or giving bribery, and dissension, either together or separately, but never by war.[63] In addition to traditionally accepted four expedients, Brihaspati has mentioned three additional means. They are: maya (deceiving), upeksha (ignoring) and vadha (killing).[64] Regarding the number of expedients, there is no dispute in the writings of Hindu polity. The expedients- maya, upeksha, indrajala and vadha are included in the fourth means, danda. Most of the writers of Hindu polity have mentioned the four means. Chandeshwara has also mentioned the principles of four diplomatic expedients.[65]

10.1 Conciliation

The Sanskrit term, sama literally means conciliation. The policy of sama like other expedients can be used in relationship among individuals but here in the context of international relations it is the first of the devices to be used by a king against his enemy. This is a conciliatory or mild means. The Hindu political thinkers are unanimous in support of the use of conciliatory means first for success. The sama is concerned with kind or conciliatory words to win friends or overcome enemies. The sama is known as sweet speaking.[66] To enter the friendship with enemy promising to help and do no harm each other is known as conciliation.[67] Theoretically, the Hindu political thinkers were well acquainted with the reality that in interstate relations every state was desirous to acquire power and maintain its hegemony. To achieve their objectives the kings are suggested to resort to the policy of conciliation first.[68] The policy of conciliation can be employed in relations with the allies and the enemies in accordance with the situation. In the words of Manu, the king should overcome all the kings described as the constituents of the mandala by conciliation, only after failure of this he should resort to other expedients used singly or in combination, and by manliness and political policy.[69] Thus, the principle of conciliation means that the two or more kings promise to live together and help each other in the time of distress. It is a method by which peaceful relations among nations are managed. It is an attempt to achieve cooperation and agreement among nations. The management of international relations by means of negotiation and compromise is crucial to maintain harmonious relations among nations even in the contemporary international politics. Thus, the policy of conciliation has been known as the key to success for all. The employment of conciliation in the first instance is the established principle of Hindu polity.[70]

10.2. Gifts

Generally, the dana is concerned with a sacrificial gift. However, in politics the term dana is used in the sense of bribery. Thus, the bribery is one of the four expedients of overcoming one’s enemy. Shukra states that paying annual taxes and giving villages to satisfy the powerful enemy, should be known as the practice of bribery.[71] Brihaspati has suggested the king to resort to the expedients of conciliation, bribery, and dissension in relation with the greedy.[72] This shows that the greedy can be persuaded by giving something to favour the giver. According to Kautilya, conferring benefits of money is making gifts.[73] Chandeshwar has stated that the bribery is known as giving something like gold.[74] The king should overcome a greedy, or a weakened king, an ascetic, and a chief with bribery. There is general recommendation for the king to use the device of bribery tactfully to overcome both enemies and allies. In the present international politics, attempts are made to solve disputes by conciliation, negotiation, or arbitration. If this principle fails, the second device of bribery of helping poor nations is adopted.

10.3. Dissension

The Sanskrit term bheda is literally translated as creating dissension or disunion. According to Chandeshwara the term bheda means dividing.[75] In politics, bheda means sowing dissensions in an enemy’s party and thus winning him over to one’s side. It is one of the four expedients of success against an enemy. It is suggested that one should resort to the device of dissension when conciliation and bribery fail. Appreciating the excellences of another ally before own ally is the practice of the policy of dissension with an ally.[76] The king should employ the policy of conciliation and dissension in the relation of the enemy king who is more powerful than he is. The king is further recommended to employ the policy of dissension and danda in relations with the king who is equal in power.[77] Brihaspati has advised the king to employ the dissension in relation with the enemy, who is suspicious[78], greedy,[79] and troublesome.[80] This strategy is mainly intended to weaken the enemy. When allies of the enemy are divided, they will be definitely weak. The enemies, weakened are easy to strike and overcome.

10.4. Punishment

The term danda is already analysed as a constituent of the state. However, in the context of interstate relation, the Sanskrit term danda can be translated as threatening of war, attack, assault, violence and punishment. It is the fourth or the last of the four expedients. It is not actual punishment or opening of hostilities. It is diplomatic war undertaken as a last resort before the actual commencement of fighting. According to Chandeshwar, danda includes injuring others like threatening of using power, trickery, ignorance and killing.[81]

11. Six-Fold Foreign Policy

Shadgunyam has been translated in different ways, such as six expedients to be used by a king, six measures of royal policy, six-fold policy, six-fold action or method. In politics, the expedients to be used by a king in international relations are known as shadgunyam. The king should always bear in mind the six tactics of foreign policy: alliance, war, marching, camping, dichotomy, and seeking refuge.[82] The king should be skilled in proper application of six forms of foreign policy. Like his predecessors, Chandeshwara stressed the importance of six-fold foreign policy of state. Peace (sandhi), war (vigraha), marching (yana), observance of neutrality (asana), alliance (samsraya) and making peace with one and waging war with another (dvaidhibhava) are six forms of foreign policy.[83]

11.1. Alliance

The Sanskrit term sandhi has been translated such as alliance, league, friendship, peace, or treaty of peace. Kautilya has defined sandhi or making a treaty as peace.[84] The performance by which the enemy turns into an ally is known as treaty and the king should consider it with a great effort.[85] This is the first of the six measures of foreign policy. Employing the policy of peace pact a state can achieve its objectives by peaceful process of negotiation.

11.2. War

Literal translation of the Sanskrit term vigraha is war, hostility, fighting or battle. In politics, this is one of the six gunas or modes of policy. Kautilya states that doing injury is war.[86] When prospering, the king should make war.[87] According to Shukra, aggressive attack by military force against the enemy is war. The protection of own interests and the destruction of the enemy are the objectives of war.[88]

11.3. Marching

The yana or marching against attacking is one of the six gunas or expedients in politics. Kautilya has explained that augmentation of power or forces is marching.[89] According to Nilakantha, yana means actual marching for war.[90] Shukra defines it as the invasion with a view to attaining one’s ends or victory and vanquishing the enemy.[91] The king should take recourse to this expedient only if he is confident of his victory. In this context, Kautilya explains when the king has a preponderance of excellent qualities he should march.[92]

11.4. Camping

Remainig indifferent is staying quiet.[93] It means the “assumption of an outwardly calm and inactive attitude towards the enemy after the formal declaration of hostility.”[94] The policy of asana is prescribed for the both kinds of kings, the weak and the strong. Manu explains that asana or camping is traditionally regarded as being of two kinds: when the king has been gradually weakened by fate or by the consequences of his former deeds, or to oblige an ally.[95]

11.5. Duplicity

Dvaidhibhava is one of the six gunas or modes of foreign policy. It is a policy of double-dealing or duplicity. Resorting to peace with one and war with another is dual policy.[96] It is making sandhi with one king and at the same time resorting to vigraha with another. The purpose of making the sandhi is to receive the help of troops or money from him for the hostilities with the other king when the king finds himself in apposition that he can promote his own undertakings by peace on one side and ruin the enemy’s undertakings by war on the other side he should secure advancement through a dual policy.[97] According to Manu, those who know the qualities of the six tactics say that dvaidhibhava is two fold: the army and its master stop in two different places to achieve the goal of undertakings.[98]

11.6. Seeking Shelter

The term samshraya means seeking protection or shelter with fleeing for refuge, forming or seeking alliance, leaguing together for mutual protection; one of the six gunas or expedients in politics. Kautilya is of the opinion that samshraya is a policy for a weak king. He defines samshraya as submitting to another is seeking shelter.[99] He further says that the king, depleted in power, should seek shelter.[100] Manu mentions samshraya as an important policy of the state. He says that seeking refuge is traditionally regarded as being of two kinds: for the shake of accomplishing a goal when one hard pressed by enemies, and among virtuous kings under a pretext.[101] The appropriate use of the six measures, it is stated, enables the vijigisu to play with the other kings just as he pleases with kings tied by the chains of his intellectual powers.[102] The general rule is that when one is weaker than the enemy is; sandhi is the policy to be followed, if stronger than him, then vigraha. If both are equal in power, asana is the right policy, but if one is very strong, yana should be resorted to. When one is very weak, samshraya is necessary, while dvaidhibhava is the policy recommended when with help from another source one can fight one’s enemy.[103]

12. Institutions of Ambassador and Spy

Chandeshwara has laid down about the system of ambassador and spy. The diplomatic agents were of two kinds. The terms doot was used for the first category of diplomatic agents. For the second category of diplomatic agents the terms chara is used. Both aimed at the collection of information about the foreign states, although spies were employed to be watchful in the internal affairs as well. The difference between the spies and ambassadors was that the spies were sent secretly, whereas the ambassadors were straightforward and open.[104]

Actually, it is difficult to know when exactly the history of the envoy became crystallized. For the first time its clear picture is found in the Manusmriti. The importance, the essential qualifications and the functions of the diplomats have been mentioned in it. The king should appoint a man as an ambassador, (i) who is well-versed in all the shastras or teachings; (ii) who possesses of the ability of reading the thoughts and feelings of others through their movements facial expressions, and gestures; (iii) who is unpolluted or pious; (iv) who is skillful; (v) who is born in a noble family or well-born; (vi) who is attached to his master skillful and pious or well-liked; (vii) who possesses of excellent memory; (viii) who is well-informed about the time and the place; (ix) who is good looking or attractive in personality; (x) who is fearless; and (xi) who is eloquent.[105] Chandeshwara has quoted Manu regarding the qualifications of a doota and supported the traditional system of prohibition of punishment and killing of the doota.[106] The doota was expected to protect the interests of the state and the king who appointed him. He was a link between the state that he represented and the state to which he was appointed. He used to study the political situation of the state to which he was appointed. He was expected to resort to the popular expedients – negotiation, gift, dissension and threat to use coercive force respectively in maintaining friendship and supremacy of the state that he represented. However, the diplomat was not a residential representative to the state he was accredited. A spy is an agent employed to obtain secret information. From the point of view of diplomacy, the institution of spies had a great utility, as the king could take action on the report of the spies. The spies were engaged to look after the domestic affairs as well as to report about the military strength and other secrets of other countries. The spies who were sent to foreign countries to gather information about the movements of the enemy and his military strength are concerned with the foreign affairs of the state. The Hindu political thinkers have accepted the system of espionage as essential for a state to maintain relations between or among states. Manu states that the king should try to gather information about his enemies through the network of espionage. He has gone to the extent of saying that the king should keep himself well informed about the every day activities of his enemies.[107] Chandeshwara has mentioned the significance of the spy.[108] The man, well-versed in the science of logic, able to understand facial expression and gestures, possessed of a soot memory sweet manner, able to walk quickly, clever and intelligent should be appointed as a spy. The spy should be disguised as an ascetic, artistic or merchant and he should be expert in the art of deceiving the enemies. These spies should move around and gather the opinions of the world.[109]

13. Conclusion

Concluding the discussion of Chandeshwara’s political ideas, it can be unhesitatingly stated that although he held the king as the chief inflictor of danda, he did not support the conception of unlimited authority of the king. He duly limited the authority of the king by the advice of the sabha and council ministers, as also by the voice of the people. The king was also bound by religion. The king virtually is a constitutional servant of the people. In his writings, he has accepted the significance of diplomacy, application of four strategies and six fold foreign policy for the king in the security of the state. To maintain peaceful relation the institution of envoys is also prescribed in his writings. Chandeshwara has not been given importance as an independent writer of Hindu polity because he has borrowed a lot from his predecessors. However, he is important for the compilation he has made from the established schools of thought on Hindu polity. After analyzing the views of his predecessors he has given his own conclusion on every key principle of Hindu polity.

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[1] K.P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity: A Constitutional History of India in Hindu Times, (Banglore: The Banglore Printing and Publishing Co. Ltd., 1978), p. 6.

[2] Gopal Pokharel ‘Vivash’, Nepal Adhirajya ko Aitihasik Britant, (Kathmandu: Vina Pokharel), p.99.

[3] D.R. Regmi, Medieval Nepal, Part 1, (Early Medieval Period 750 – 1530 A.D.), (Calcutta:Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1965 ), p. 256.

[4] K.P. Jayaswal, Introduction, in Chandeshwara, Rajniti Ratnakar, ed. K.P. Jayaswal, 2^nd ed., (Patna:The Bihar and Orrissa Research Society, 1936), pp. 13 - 14.

[5] Chandeshvara, Rajniti Ratnakar, ed. K.P. Jayaswal, 2^nd ed., (Patna: Bihar and Orrissa Research Society, 1936), p. 14, ====;k|lqmodxf;flGwlju|lxs–7Ss'/>LjL/]Zj/fTdh>Lr08]Zj/lj/lrt] /fhgLlt/Tgfs/]˜leif]st/ËM .

[6] Ibid., p. 1.

/f1f ej]z]gf1Ktf] /fhgLltlgaGwsd\ .

tgf]lt dlGq0ffdfo{M >Ldfg\ r08]Zj/M s[tL ..

[7] Ibid, p.1.

[8] Chandeshvara, op. cit., p. 77.

[9] Ibid., p. 29.

[10] Kautilya, Arthashastra, ed. and Hindi trans. Vachaspati Gairola, 4^th ed (Varanasi: Chaukhamba Vidya Bhavan, 2000), b. 1, sec.1, chap. 1 p.8. cfGjLIfsLqoLjftf{ b08gLltZr]lt ljBfM .

[11] Shukra, Shukraniti, Nepali trans., Damaruvallabha Paudyal, (Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2029 V. S.), chap.4,sec.1, v. 51.

/f1f+ ;b08gLTof lx ;j]{ l;WoGTo'ks|dfM .

b08 Pj lx wdf{0ff+ z/0f+ k/d+ :d[td\ ..

[12] Vatsyayana, Kamasutra, Eng. trans. Sir Richard Burton, (India: Jaico Publishing House, 1999), p.6.

[13] A. S. Altekar, State and Government in Ancient India, (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 2001), p. 3.

[14] Kautilya, op.cit, b. 15, chap. 1, sec. 180. dg'iof0ff+ j[lQ/y{M, dg'iojtL e"ldl/Toy{M, t:ofM, k[lyJof nfekfngf]kfoM zf:qdy{zf:qldlt .

[15] Altekar, op. cit., p. 2.

[16] Vishnu Sharma, Panchatantram, (with Sarala Hinhi commentary of Gokuldas Gupta) ed. Ramachandra Jha, ( Varanasi: Chaukhamba Vidyabhavan, 2003),chap. 1, p. 1.Gfdf]˜:t' gozf:qst[{Eo M .

[17]. K.P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity (A Constitutional History of Indian Hindu Times), 5th ed., (Bangalore: Bangalore Printing And publishing Co. Ltd. India, 1978), p. 5.

[18] Chandeshwara, op. cit., p.2. /fhfy{zf:q+ /fhgLltM ..

[19] Manu, Manusmriti, ed. Jagadishlal Shastri,1^st ed., (Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, 1986), chap.7, v.3.

c/fhs] lx nf]s]˜l:dG;j{tf] ljb|'t] eoft\ .

/Iffy{d:o ;j{:o /fhfgd;[hTk|e'M .

[20] Chandeshwara, op. cit., p. 71.

:jfDodfTo;'ÅTsf]ifb08b'u{/fi6«k|s[toM .

[21] Ibid., p.2. ======Iflqokb+ /fhk/d\ .,

[22] Ibid., p. 143.====cleif]s+ ljgflk /fHobfgljwfgft\ tyf ;Dk|bfofRr .

[23] Shukra, op. cit., chap.1, vv.84 – 86.

[24] Chandeshwara, op. cit.., p.128.

[25] Ibid., p. 3.

[26]Manu, op. cit., chap.7,v.55.

clk oT;'s/+ sd{ tbKo]s]g b'is/d\ .

ljz]iftf]˜;xfo]g ls+t' /fHo+ dxf]bod\ ..

[27]Shukra, op. cit., chap.2, vv.8 - 9.

[28] Manu, op. cit., chap. 9, v. 294.

[29] Shukra, op. cit., chap.4, sec.3, v.1.

cy ld>] t[tLo+ t' /fi6«+ jIo] ;df;tM .

:yfj/+ hËd+ rflk /fi6«zAb]g uLot] ..

[30] Ibid, chap.4, sec.2, v.2.

[31] Kamandaka, op. cit., canto 4, sec. 7, v. 62.

wd{x]tf]:tyfyf{o e[Tofgf+ e/0ffo r .

cfkby{+ r ;+/IoM sf]zM sf]zjtf ;bf ..

[32] Chandeshwara, op. cit., p.63.

[33] Shukra, op.cit., chap.4, sec.6, v.10. cfkTsfn]˜Gob'uf{0ffdf>oZrf]Qdf] dtM ..

[34] Chandeshwara, op. cit., p.47.

[35] Sukra, op. cit., chap.4, sec.7, v.4.

;}Goflågf g}j /fHo+ g wg+ g k/fqmdM .

alngf] jzufM ;j]{ b'a{n:o r zqjM .

ejGToNkhg:oflk g[k:o t' g ls+ k'gM ..

[36] Chandeshwara, op. cit., pp. 77-80.

[37] Manu, op. cit., chap. 7, vv. 206-209.

[38] Chandeshwara, op. cit., p. 80.

[39] Ibid., p. 74.

[40] Ibid.

[41] Atrisamhita, cited by M. Rama Jois, “Salient Aspects of Ancient Indian Legal, Judicial and Constitutional System” in Ritambhara, year 7, No.10 (Kathmandu: Mahendra Sanskrit University, 2061), p. 255.

[42] Manu, op. cit., chap.7, v. 79.

[43] Ibid.

[44] Ibid., chap. 7, v. 35.

[45] Vyasa, Mahabharat, part v, Shantiparva, Hindi trans. Ramanarayandatta Shastri, 9^th ed., (Gorakhpur: Geeta Press, 2058 V. S.), chap. 57, v.11.

[46] Manu, op. cit., chap.8, v.2.

[47] Ibid., chap. 7, v.129.

[48] Shukra, op. cit. chap.1, v.14.

[49] Manu. op. cit., ch. 8, v.11.

[50] Chandeshwara. op. cit., P.39.

[51] Ibid., P. 43.

[52] Manu, op. cit., ch. 8, v.10.

[53] Chandeshwara. op. cit., P. 20.

[54] Altekar, op. cit., p.44.

[55] Brihaspati, Barhaspatya Sutra, ( Mulsutra and Hindi translation ), ed. and Hindi trans. Lala Kannomal, (India: Motilal Banarsidass, Panjab Sanskrit Library, 1924 A.D.), chap. 1, sutra 30.

[56] Kautilya, op. cit., b. 6, sec. 97, chap. 2. zlQmM l;l4Zr . an+ zlQmM . ;'v+ l;l4M .

[57] Kamandaka, Kamandaka Nitisar, Nepali trans., Dev Raj Poudel (Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy Nepal, 2028 V.S.), canto 12, sec. 17, v. 7. k|efjf]T;fxzlQmEof+ dGqzlQmM k|z:ot] . k|efjf]T;fxjfg\ sfJof] lhtf] b]jk'/f]w;f .

[58] Chandeshwara, op. cit., p. 65.zlQml:qljwf k|efjhf pT;fxhf dGqhf========.

[59] Ibid., p. 33.

[60] Kautilya, op.cit, b.6, chap. 2, sec. 97.

[61] Ibid., b. 9, chap.5, sec.143, p. 613.

[62] Ibid., b. 6, chap.2, sec.97.

[63]Manu, op. cit.,ch.7, v.198.

;fDgf bfg]g e]b]g ;d:t}/yjf k[ys\ .

ljh]t'+ k|ot]tf/LGg o'4]g sbfrg .

[64] Brihaspati, op. cit., chap.5, maxims 1-3. rTjf/ pkfofM . qoZr . dfof]k]Iff jwZr .

[65] Chandeshwara, op. cit., p.109

;fd lk|oefif0f+, bfg+ ;'j0ff{b]M, e]bf] e]bg+, jwko{Gtf]˜ksf/f] b08M .

[66] Ibid. p. 57. ;fd lk|oefif0f+ .

[67] Shukra, op. cit., sec. 1, chap.4, v. 31.

k/:k/dlgi6+ g lr+tgLo+ Tjof dof .

;';fxføo+ lx st{Jo+ zqf} ;fd k|sLlt{td\ .

[68] Ibid., chap.4, sec. 1, v. 37.

;fd}j k|yd+ >]i7+ bfg+ t' tbgGt/d\ .

;j{bf e]bg+ zqf]b{08g+ k|f0fz+;o] ..

[69] Manu, op. cit., chap.7, v. 159.

[70] Brihaspati, op. cit., chap.5, Su. 8.

;fdk"j{ k|of]QmJod\ .

[71] Shukra, op. cit., chap.4, sec. 1, v. 32.

s/}jf{ k|ldt}u|f{d}j{T;/] k|an+ l/k'd\ .

tf]ifo]Ql4 bfg+ :ofb\ oyfof]Uo]if' zq'if' .

[72] Brihaspati, op. cit., chap.5, su. 6.

n'Aw]if' ;fdbfge]bfM .

[73] Kautilya, op. cit., b. 2, chap.10, sec. 26.

[74] Chandeshwara, op. cit., chap.12, p. 57. bfg+ ;'j0ff{b]M .

[75] Ibid., p. 57. e]bf] e]bg+,.

[76] Shukra, op. cit., chap.4, sec. 1, v. 29.

[77] Ibid. v. 38.

k|an]˜/f} ;fdbfgf} ;fde]bf]˜lws] :d[tf} .

e]bb08f] ;d] sfof}{ b08M k"Hok|xLgs] ..

[78] Brihaspati, op. cit. chap.5, maxim 5.

zlÍt]if' ;fde]bf} ..

[79] Ibid. chap.5, maxim. 6.

n'Aw]if' ;fdbfge]bfM ..

[80] Ibid. maxim 7. si6]if' ;fde]bbfgdfof]k]IffjwfM..

[81] Chandeshwar, op. cit., chap.12, p. 57. jwko{Gtf]˜ksf/f] b08M .

[82] Manu, op. cit., chap. 7, v. 160.

;+lw+ r lju|x+ r}j ofgdf;gd]j r .

å}wLefj+ ;+>o+ r if8\u'0ff+lZrGto]T;bf ..

[83] Chandeshwara, op. cit., p. 56.

;lGwd]sLejglgaGw+, lju|xdksf/+, zq'+ k|lt udg+ ofgd\, pk]If0fdf;g+, an:o låwfs/0f+ å}wLefj+, k|ang[kf>o+ ;+>oM .

[84] Kautilya, op. cit., b. 7, sec. 98 and 99. tq k0faGwM ;lGwM,==== .

[85] Shukra, op. cit., chap. 4, sec. 7, V. 233.

ofleM lqmoflej{njfg\ ldqtf+ oflt j} l/k'M .

;f lqmof ;lGwl/To'Qmf ljd[z]Qf+ t' oTgtM ..

[86] Kautilya, op. cit., b.7, chap.1, secs. 98- 99. cksf/f] lju|xM .

[87] Ibid. cEo'RrLodfgf] lju[X0fLoft\ .

[88] Shukra, op. cit., sec. 7, chap. 4, v. 235.

zq'gfzfy{udg+ ofg+ :jfeLi6l;4o] .

:j/If0f+ zq'gfzf] ej]t\ :yfgft\ tbf;gd\ ..@#%..

[89] Kautilya, op. cit., b. 7, chap. 1, secs. 98 – 99. cEo'Rrof] ofg+ .

[90] Nilakantha, quoted in Gandhi Jee Roy, Diplomacy in Ancient India, (Patna: Janaki Prakashan, 1981), p. 176.

[91] Shukra, op. cit., chap. 4, sec. 7, v. 235.

[92] Kautilya, op cit., b. 7, chap. 1, secs. 98 – 99.u'0ffltzoo'Qmf] ofoft\ .

[93] Kautilya, op. cit., b. 7, chap. 1, secs. 98-99. pk]If0fdf;gd\ .

[94] N.N. Law, quoted in Gandhi Jee Roy, Diplomacy in Ancient India, (Patna: Janaki Prakashan, 1981), p. 175

[95] Manu, op. cit., chap. 7, v. 166.

IfL0f:o r}j qmdzf] b}jfTk"j{s[t]g jf .

ldq:o rfg'/f]w]g låljw+ :d[tdf;gd\ ..!^^..

[96] Kautilya, op. cit., b. 7, chap. 1, secs. 98-99. ;lGwlju|xf]kfbfg+ å}wLefj Olt .

[97] Kautilya, op. cit., b. 7, chap. 1, secs. 98-99. ;xfo;fWo] sfo]{ å}wLefj+ uR5]t\ .

[98] Manu, op. cit., chap. 7, v. 167. jn:o :jfldgZr}j l:yltM sfof{y{l;4o] .

låljw+ sLTo{t] å}w+ iff8\u'0ou'0fj]lbleM ..!^&..

[99] Kautilya, op. cit., b. 7, chap. 1, secs. 98-99. k/fk{0f+ ;+>oM .

[100] Ibid. zlQmxLgM ;+>o]t .

[101] Manu, op. cit., chap. 7, v.168.

[102] Kautilya, op. cit., b.7, chap. 18, secs.124-126.

[103] Ibid., b.7, chap. 1, secs. 98-99.

[104] Manorama Jauhari, Politics and Ethics in Ancient India, (Varanasi: 1968), p. 214, cited in Gandhi Jee Roy, Diplomacy in Ancient India, (Patna: Janaki Prakashan, 1981), p.91.

[105] Manu, op. cit., chap. 7,vv. 63-64.

b"t+ r}j k|s'jL{t ;j{zf:qljzf/bd\ .

OlËtfsf/r]i61+ z'lr+ bIf+ s'nf]b\utd\ ..

cg'/QmM z'lrb{IfM :d[ltdfGb]zsfnljt\ .

jk'idfGjLteLjfUdL b"tf] /f1M k|z:ot] ..

[106] chandeshwara, op. cit., p. 82.

[107] Manu, op. cit. chap. 7, vv. 223-224.

[108] Chandeshwara, op. cit., pp.88 and 89.

[109] Kamandaka, op. cit., canto 13, sec. 18, vv. 26-27.